How does pleasure thus trust pain? But let firmness be lacking in sun and light, let permanence flee beauty, and in joy, let there be a note of sadness. Let the world begin, at length, in ignorance; for, whatever the boon, it is by nature constant only in its inconstancy. Aspectos da Litteratura Colonial Brazileira. Leipzig, This youthful work of the eminent cosmopolite furnishes valuable as well as entertaining collateral reading upon the entire colonial period in Brazil. The standpoint is often historical rather than literary, yet the proportions are fairly well observed.
In Yiddish. Page 33, Volume I. It is generally replete with love and the allied feelings. Struggle for the territory of Brazil had bred a love for the soil that was bound sooner or later to become spiritualized into an aspiration toward autonomy. The brasileiros were not forever to remain the bestas that the hell-mouth of Bahia had called them, nor provide luxury for the maganos de Portugal. Taxes grew, and with them, resentment.
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Yet, as so often, the articulation of that rebellious spirit came not from the chief sufferers of oppression, but from an idealistic band of poets whose exact motives have not yet been thoroughly clarified by historical investigation. Few less fitted to head a separatist movement than these lyric, idealistic spirits who form part of the Inconfidencia Disloyalty group  immortalized in Brazilian history through the hanging of Tiradentes and the imprisonment and exile of a number of others.
It was against him that were launched the nine satirical verse letters called Cartas Chilenas and signed by the pseudonym Critillo Menezes was succeeded by Barbacena who it was rumoured, meant to exact the payment of arrobas of gold, overdue from the province.
It was this that proved the immediate stimulus to an only half-proved case of revolt, which, harshly suppressed, deprived Brazil of a number of its ripest talents. It is not known whether  the authors, though contemporaries, knew each other or read their respective works. The idea of the fatherland, the national thought, which in Gregorio de Mattos is as yet a simple movement of bad humour, vagrant spite and the revolt of an undisciplined fellow, becomes in them the tender affection for their native land.
The Uruguay especially reveals this nascent nationalism as it existed among the loyal Portuguese in the epoch just previous to the Inconfidencia. The author of the first wrote  it, as he said, to satisfy a certain curiosity about Uruguay; also, he might have added, to flatter his patron, the then powerful Pombal, who, it will be recalled, at one time harboured the idea of transplanting the Portuguese throne to the colony across the sea.
It would be an error, however, to see in the small epic but five cantos long a glorification of the native. The villains, of course, are the Jesuits out of whose fold the author had come,—the helpers of the Indians of Uruguay who revolted against the treaty between Portugal and Spain according to which they were given into the power of the Portuguese. It does not employ the outworn octave, but sonorous blank verse. As they were secondary to his purpose, so were they in his conception. He is not sung, but is rather an element of the song. In this first phase of Indianism the sympathy of the poet is transferred only incidentally to the savage.
So that, in the main, it is the attitude of the poet that distinguished the two Indianisms: indifferent in the first, sympathetic in the second. The better verses of the earlier epic are a balm to the ear and a stimulus to the imagination; those of the later lack communicative essence. The  subject of his epic is the half-legendary figure of Diogo Alvares Correa,  a sort of Brazilian John Smith, who, wrecked upon the coast, so impressed the natives with the seeming magic of his firearms that he was received as their chief.
Translation of "bless me" in Portuguese
In her dying voice she upbraids him and then sinks beneath the waves. Yet there is a single line in O Uruguay which contains more poetry than this octave and many another of the stanzas in this ten-canto epic. It is worth while recalling, too, that the Indian of the first is from a Spanish-speaking tribe, and that the Indian of the second is a native Brazilian type.
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These men did not of set purpose advance an esthetic theory and seek to exemplify it in their writings; they are children of their day rather than brothers-in-arms. Like the epic poets, so they, in their verses, foreshadow the coming of the Romanticists some fifty years later; the spirits of the old world and the new contend in their lines as in their lives.
Romero, in his positive way, has catalogued him with the race of Lamartine and even called him a predecessor of the Brazilian Byronians. No other book of love poems has so appealed to the Portuguese reader; the number of editions through which the Marilia de Dirceu has gone is second only to the printings of Os Lusiadas , and has, since the original issue in , reached to thirty-four. His heart, as he told her in one of his most popular stanzas, was vaster than the world and it was her abode. Gonzaga, like Claudio, was one of the Inconfidencia ; he fell in love with his lady at the age of forty, when she was eighteen, and sentimental Brazilians have never forgiven her for having lived on to a very ripe old age after her Dirceu, as he was known in Arcadian circles, died in exile.
Yet she may have felt the loss deeply, for a story which Verissimo believes authentic tells of D. If, as time goes on, he surrenders his sway to the more sensuous lyrics of later poets, he is none the less a fixed star in the poetic constellation.
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The famous book is divided into two parts, the first written before, the second, after his exile. As might be expected; the first is primaveral, aglow with beauty, love, joy. Too, it lacks the depth of the more sincere second, which is more close to the personal life of the suffering artist. He began in glad hope; he ends in dark doubt. It is the most noble and perfect idealization of love that we possess.
There is a certain Brazilianism, too, as Wolf noted, in his Ide to Maria.
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In him, more than in any other of the lyrists, may be noted the stirrings of the later romanticism. The question of the authorship of the Cartas Chilenas , salient among satirical writings of the eighteenth century, has long troubled historical critics. In , when  the second edition of the poem appeared, it was signed Gonzaga, and later opinion tends to reinforce that claim. Like Gregorio de Mattos, the author of the Cartas is a spiteful scorpion. But he has a deeper knowledge of things and there is more humanity to his bitterness. There is, in his lines, the suggestion of reality, but it is a reality that the foreigner, and perhaps the Brazilian himself, must reconstruct with the aid of history, and this diminishes the appeal of the verses.
The lesser poets of the era may be passed over with scant mention. Best of them all is Domingos Caldas Barbosa known to his New Arcadia as Lereno and author of an uneven collection marred by frequent improvisation. The prose of the century, inferior  to the verse, produced no figures that can claim space in so succinct an outline as this. The ports of the land, hitherto restricted to vessels of the Portuguese monarchy, were thrown open to the world; the first newspapers appeared; Brazil, having tasted the power that was bestowed by the mere temporary presence of the monarch upon its soil, could not well relinquish this supremacy after he departed in The era, moreover, was one of colonial revolt; between and the Spanish dependencies of America rose against the motherland and achieved their own freedom; marks the establishment of the independent Brazilian monarchy.
Now begins a literature that may be properly called national, though even yet it wavered between the moribund classicism and the nascent romanticism, even as the form of government remained monarchial on its slow and dubious way to republicanism. Arcadian imagery still held sway in poetry and there was a decline from the originality of the Mineira group. The  first, influenced by Rousseau, is avowedly Christian in purpose but the inner struggle that produced his verses makes of him a significant figure in a generally sterile era, and his Ode ao homen selvagem contains lines of appeal to our own contemporary dubiety.
There is, too, a long description of Rio de Janeiro which describes very little. Though these religious poets are of secondary importance to letters, they provided one of the necessary ingredients of the impending Romantic triumph; their Christian outlook, added to nationalism, tended to produce, as Wolf has indicated, a genuinely Brazilian romanticism. His scientific accomplishments have found ample chronicling in the proper places; quickly he won a reputation throughout Europe.
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They are, like himself, a thing of violent passions. In Aos Bahianos he exclaims:. Two years before the publication of his poems he who so much loved to command fell from power with the dissolution of the Constituinte and he reacted in characteristic violence. Brazilians no longer loved liberty:. A number of other versifiers and prose writers are included by Brazilians in their accounts of the national letters; Romero, indeed, with a conception of literature more approaching that of sociology than of belles lettres, expatiates with untiring gusto upon the work of a formidable  succession of mediocrities.
We have neither the space nor the patience for them here. It is during the early part of the period epitomized in this chapter that Brazilian literature, born of the Portuguese, began to be drawn upon by the mother country. The period as a whole represents a decided step forward from the inchoate ramblings of the previous epoch. Yet, with few exceptions, it is of interest rather in retrospection, viewed from our knowledge of the romantic movement up to which it was leading.
Later writers either retain the first or replace it with the more common u.
Segunda Serie, pp. A Frenchman has even spoken of the romanticism of the classics, which is by no means merely a sample of Gallic paradox. The Brazilian critic considers France the only one of the neo-Latin literatures that may be said to possess a genuinely classic period. As I have tried to suggest here and elsewhere, we have need of a change in literary terminology; classic and romantic are hazy terms that should, in time, be supplanted by something more in consonance with the observations of modern psychology.
The emphasis, I would say, should be shifted from the subject-matter and external aspects to the psychology of the writer and his intuitive approach. The distinctions have long since lost their significance and should therefore be replaced by a more adequate nomenclature. Verissimo rejects any such poetic interpretation and makes the topic food for fruitful observation. He considers the Brazilian savage, as any other, of rudimentary and scant imagination, incapable of lofty metaphorical flights.
And to this name they added nothing marvellous, as our active imagination has pictured. And unseen ever after, she was engulfed by the waters. But worst and saddest grief of all is to find that at no time is this fantastic victory of love transitory, for always it is repeated in remembrance. Let not treacherous contentment deceive you; for this present pleasure, when it has passed, will remain as a tormenting memory. He who created so perfect and entrancing a work, my fairest Marilia, likewise could make the sky and more, if more there be.
This is my sole crime! The cry of liberty that once thundered through Brazil now is mute amidst chains and corpses.
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Over its ruins, far from their fatherland, weep its wandering sons. Because they loved it, they are accused of treason, by an infamous, truckling band. Though usually associated with French literature, the Romanticism of the first half of the nineteenth century, like that later neo-romanticism which nurtured the Symbolist and the Decadent schools of the second half, came originally from Germany, and was in essence a philosophy of self-liberation.